Conrad Hubner

It is not enough to kill, spread hunger and end democracy, it is necessary to be corrupt. Those who tolerate death, misery and the attack on freedoms, but do not tolerate corruption, and that’s why they say they prefer Bolsonaro, it’s time to wake up from the denialist trance or better disguise cynicism. Bolsonarista corruption is deep, multifaceted and long-lived.

This series describes the modes of private appropriation of the public in the Bolsonarista trajectory. In this second chapter, we deal with petty corruption that, over the course of 30 years, according to evidence, multiplied the family’s assets. It will get more serious in the next chapters, but let’s start at the beginning.

Bolsonaro represents a fraction of the old patrimonial policy that dedicates 100% of his career to parasitizing the public good for personal ends. He has no ideas, no political proposal or vision of the future. He never participated in any collective project or mobilized for any cause.

In addition to the rhetoric in defense of dictatorship, torture and police violence, which won him votes but did not translate into an act to improve the lives of police officers, he had an innocuous and lazy political life. As a Member of Parliament, there is not a single noteworthy achievement in the legislative process. He slipped through the cracks of tolerated illegality.

A thoroughbred political parasite just wants to get rich in peace. Power is an instrument to enrich oneself and, at the same time, a shield to make investigation difficult. Keeping corruption in the scope of cabinet funds and real estate transactions became a lower risk strategy. He managed to fly below Justice’s broken radar for too long.

Going to real estate offices in Rio de Janeiro with suitcases of money has been a sport practiced by family members since the 1990s. In the notary’s jargon, everything is done in “currency, counted and found right”. Not two or three times, for the pleasure of adventure. They adopted a well-known method to make it difficult to trace the money. The facts below have been reported by numerous reports in recent years.

It would have started with Bolsonaro’s first wife, when he took R$96,000 to the registry office to acquire property in Vila Isabel. The second wife bought five properties between 2002 and 2006, moving R$243,000 in cash.

In 2003, Carlos Bolsonaro paid R$150,000 for a property in Tijuca. His brother Flávio, in 2008, bought 12 office rooms for R$86,000, and in 2012 an apartment in Copacabana for R$638,000. Years later, Flávio received, in a single month, 48 split deposits into his bank account. Eduardo, in 2016, made a down payment of BRL 81,000, plus BRL 100,000, per apartment in Botafogo. All money counted.

Flávio was accused of criminal organization, embezzlement, money laundering and embezzlement. Legally more accurate names for the “cradinha”, embezzlement of public money by partial confiscation of civil servants’ salaries.

In the context of his father’s presidency, the dark labyrinth of Brazilian justice rewarded him. From the second instance of Rio to the STJ and STF, a series of extravagant decisions on privileged forum and annulment of evidence defeated investigative efforts by the Public Ministry.

But there are known facts that remain unexplained. Coaf, an agency that Flávio later helped to empty, identified transactions of BRL 1.2 million, between 2016 and 2017, made by Fabrício Queiroz. His account received transfers from at least seven servers in Flávio’s office. Four employees of Carlos’ office, in turn, withdrew R$570,000, most of their salaries, from the ATM.

As for the BRL 89,000 checks deposited by Queiroz in Michelle Bolsonaro’s account, the Attorney General’s Office preferred to ask for the filing.

Flávio responded to suspicions about the origin of the money for the acquisition of a R$ 6 million mansion in Brasília: without specifying the origin, the senator said generically that it was his activity as a lawyer and businessman. In the context of the paternal presidency, the argument sticks.

The list summarizes one type of practice, it is not exhaustive. It should be enough, but it still gets worse. Wait for the next chapters. We have not yet reached the Executive branch.


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