Hector Daer participated in a press conference organized by the students of Journalism of the School of Communication of the Profile Group, where he expressed that the conditions are not given to call a general strike. “There is no attack on the rights of workers nor is there a resounding drop in activity that leaves a lot of workers on the street.”
The CGT leader also spoke about the situation of informal workers and how there are conflicts with some State programs to incorporate them into the labor market. “We cannot have first-class and second-class workers, that is, sometimes work cooperatives are used even by municipal and provincial governments to lower production costs, especially many times for services”. Daer declared in the Cycle of Interviews by Rodrigo Lloret, director of Profile Education.
—What do you think of the words of the labor minister, referring to the fact that it would be a priority for Argentina to win the World Cup over lowering inflation?
I think it’s a partner He responded with the authenticity of an Argentine. I am convinced that we all know what inflation means and that she knows what inflation means, which is the absolute priority in all terms, both in social, political and I would even say electoral terms. The question carries a dichotomy that is not such since we would all want both, of course, and we cannot prioritize one over the other. Sometimes one, speaking with a certain confidence and in a certain informality, does not realize the investiture that one has. And one, when they have a certain investiture, if you scratch your head, some camera is taking you scratching your head, it seems to me that that is a bit what happened. But I am clear about why we have been discussing it with the minister, questions of seeing how we can all find a way to lower the amount of pensions and I have no doubts about that.
—The inflation rate for October was released. Why so far there was no general strike at the national level?
—Inflation is one of the problems we have and there is a process that does not start with this inflation.. There is a process of global wage deterioration, which goes much further. I can give you clear worldwide certified data, the productivity of the ’90s in terms of the amount of GDP was enormous, the financial sector took it, the big technology companies took it and not even the industrial sectors. This led to a very large salary deterioration that despite the inflationary process, the formal economy, through the union institutions, was recovering the salary and when inflation accelerated a lot, If you look at the latest parities, you can see that today you go over to inflation a little bit. The negotiation and discussion sections are much shorter and you pass the first section, you lose a little in the second, you go through again and that’s how you carry it. The problems of falling income are not in the formal economy, but in what is informal work and some sectors.s of the popular economy. There is a severe drop in income that is devoured by inflation and unfortunately it is very difficult to recompose because you do not have a counterpart to achieve this recomposition and you do not have the organization that can discuss that because, I repeat, there is no counterpart there.
—Do you think that the conditions are not given to declare a general strike?
—Today the conditions are not given to call a general strike, because it seems to me that there is no objective view of what to fight for that strike. Today there is a great mass of Argentine men and women who are in sectors with many difficulties. Sectors that are very vulnerable and that must be attended to. It is necessary to have conceptual clarity in front of the upcoming elections and in front of the next legislative ones. Consider the possibility of setting medium and long-term objectives that allow us to get out of the moment we are in. It seems to me that this is much more laudable than considering a measure of force. There is no aggression on the rights of workers nor is there a resounding drop in activity that leaves a lot of workers on the street.
—You gave a rather technical answer regarding whether or not to do a strike. What would you say to the worker who does not make ends meet due to inflation?
—What I am telling you is that in a strike or in any measure of force, you have to know how to get in and also know how to get out and the objectives you are going to must be clear in the debate. A national strike is not a wage strike. First and foremost, a national strike is against measures that have to do with policies that either take away your rights or take away your health or take away your education or take away this or that. The distributive bid is the bid that you achieve with the accumulation of power that you do daily. When you organize a union you are not organizing an NGO, you are clarifying to a group that is going to act with the necessary power for that distributive bid, change the numbers, there are two paths and in the middle is in the utilities generated by the system. The bid is how much the capital takes and how much one takes. And in the midst of all this we have a complicated macroeconomic reality and above all things that you don’t know the degree of complication it can have if you generate some instability, because inflation has a process that is staggering. We start the year with 3%, once we got to 5% it settled there and when we thought it would plateau today we are already at 6%. Well, if there isn’t an anti-inflation plan, which has to have its flats because you also have to have your back in dollars at the Central Bank, which you don’t have today to be able to deal with it, you have certain complications. So on that macroeconomic map Any economic setback brings you a social setback that automatically causes a fall in society and ends up increasing what is called structural poverty., which is that poverty that persists despite economic recovery. Of here to 2040 if we are doing like now and we don’t have setbacks, that is, that V cuts downwards, we end up with 30% poverty. In 22% if we are doing moderately well and in 10.7% if we are doing excellent. So when one has to make decisions that are of absolute responsibility, such as bringing all the workers to a national strike, that is where you have to put the map, the entire map.
—Last week there was a part of the railwaymen who stopped demanding improvements in pensions. Do you think that they are making a mistake in taking this measure?
—The unemployment had other seasonings, since it was not produced by the railways but was by an alternative central transport, the General Union of Associations of Transport Workers, (UGATT), which was raised at that time to obtain a profit differential and so on. Something that for motor carriers was also corrected for both truckers and UTA and the addition of a bonus for retirees. There is no evaluation of whether he is wrong or not wrong, each one when he acts, acts on principle, acts because he discussed it with his colleagues and acts because the group he represents is considering it. In fact, the strike would not have existed and the strike did exist. It is not a subject that can be evaluated with agreement or disagreement, the analysis is much deeper.
—Do you think that the “Potenciar Trabajo” plan can be called a labor movement?
—They are workers and many of them looked for work and did not get it. First I want to make a reference so as not to misclassify people, where nIt doesn’t matter what dependency relationship one has, where one can be in a dependency relationship with a multinational, with a national company, with the State or with a cooperative. The issue is that we cannot have first-class and second-class workers, that is, Sometimes work cooperatives are used even by municipal and provincial governments to lower production costs, especially often services. I have no doubt that they are all workers and I absolutely do not agree with those posters that say that half of Argentina does not want to work. For me half of Argentina wants to work, what happens is that there is no sustainable job offer in our country.
—This is a Peronist government?
—Perón graphed Peronism, at one point it was “we are all Peronists”, it is very difficult to make an evaluation of who is within that parameter or who is outside of that parameter. Peronism must be seen in the line along history and you have to take care of everything, all the points, all the commas, all the curves, the ups and downs that it had throughout history because this is reality. If you look at it from the point of view of principles I have complaints that I would have liked this government to have consolidated issues that have to do with the labor movement in terms of participation, in terms of solving different things differently. I give you a case in parallel to the G20, something called the L20 and the B20 work, which is Business 20 and Labor 20 and which are the trade union organizations of the G20 countries that issue a document or the employers through the Business 20 pronounce . Argentina does not participate, there is a blurring of the labor movement organized by the Government. That does not mean that this government is Peronist, this government is Peronist. Later we can be complainers about some of the circumstances that actually happen.
—How does the country imagine next year if Juntos por el Cambio or Milei won the presidential elections?
“I imagine him different from the two of us.” First, it would be necessary to analyze if Together for Change is the same from one sector to another, if Rodríguez Larreta is the same as some radical or Patricia Bullrich or Macri, and I put Milei, of course, at one extreme. I imagine to Together for Change trying first of all to quickly solve equations that are fallacious, such as those proposals that formal workers’ rights must be eliminated for the informal sector to join the formal sector, this is an absolute fallacy; and going back to indebt the country a little more because it is not easy to sustain a plateau of this level. Y I can’t even imagine Milei, societies don’t commit suicide and although Milei is the legitimate expression of a sector that is disenchanted with democracy, this is a system that we all choose. But it is also not perfect and it did not generate the returns that we all expected, especially those of us who fought for the return of democracy as young people found that we did not go forward, our country was one of the few that regressed in the entire democratic process. It will have to be perfected, it will have to be generated more dynamismwe will have to have more participatory societies and I imagine a Peronist government for next year.
By Guillermina Rizzo. Jorge Gutierrez Jimenez. Melisa Penas Ferrante
Journalism Students of Education Profile.
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