The JP, La Cámpora and what Máximo still needs to study

To those of us who have accumulated a few years, the street display of La Cámpora last Thursday brought us reminiscences of another similar demonstration of strength, in 1974, by the then Peronist/Montoneros Youth.

Both large columns, separated in time by 48 years, bustled through the city on their way to the Plaza de Mayo. That one, for Labor Day; the most recent, for Memorial Day.

Almost half a century passed and the mobile repeats itself. Two mobilizations tried to challenge the Government; at that time, chaired by Juan Domingo Perón; today, by Alberto Fernandez.

A year earlier, Perón put an end to the first failed field trial of just 49 days. game over for the “wonderful youth”.

The presidency and the leadership of the movement then resided in the same head (that of Perón). The difference with the current experiment is that a two-headed coexistence persists (Alberto and Cristina) without the slightest modesty to hide that they can’t stand it. Now the presidency and real power reside in very different heads. A problem that tends to get worse when so many dissidences accumulate.

“March 24 is the day we are most united,” said Alberto Fernández, who perfects himself in the art of dissociating his sayings from reality: he did an act on his side and the rebellious bi-presidential son presided over a march by his group, that mom congratulated on social networks without the slightest mention of the most humble gathering that her running mate made at the Ministry of Science and Technology. The general secretary of La Cámpora, Andrés Larroque, added a ruthless bullying: “He was campaign manager of a space that got 4 points in the province”, in reference to when Fernández advised Florencio Randazzo for the 2017 elections.

Unlike La Cámpora, its 1970s predecessors, although they had been left out of the PJ government, were not willing to give up. As soon as Vice President María Estela Martínez crowned as Queen of Labor… Cristina Fernández (not the current vice, but a graceful young lady belonging to the Federation of Sanitary Works Workers; the story is usually mischievous and cynical) whistles erupted from the columns youth concentrated in the Plaza de Mayo.

Perón had been accumulating anger for a long time. In his message that morning in Congress, before the Legislative Assembly, he spoke very significant words: “There is still blood between us. We will also overcome this violence. We will overcome subversion.”

That same afternoon, faced with the repeated slogan “What’s up/ what’s up/ what’s up, general/ the popular government is full of gorillas”, Perón, confused, from one of the balconies of the Casa Rosada, labeled them as “beardless”, “stupid” and “infiltrated”. Surely remembering his beloved José Ignacio Rucci, he said that “still” the “warning” had not sounded and anticipated “the fight that, if the wicked do not give up, we will have to start.” The Triple A was simmering in each new boil of the raging old general.

A year after his death, there were four presidential decrees “for the purpose of annihilating the actions of subversive elements throughout the country.” The illegal repression began under a Peronist government. After the coup, the military gave it bestial continuity. Ítalo Luder, who was the one who signed three of those decrees in 1975, when he exercised the Executive Power while Isabel Perón was on leave, as presidential candidate in 1983 assured that if he won he would respect the self-amnesty that the dictatorship had granted. Fortunately, Raúl Alfonsín triumphed. But the justicialismo remained firm and did not endorse the trial of the commanders nor did it want to be part of the Conadep. A later Peronist government, that of Carlos Menem, pardoned the military and guerrilla leaders. And management nat & pop Cristina Kirchner anointed César Milani as head of the Army, prosecuted, imprisoned and acquitted for crimes against humanity.

Homework for “son of” (as Luis D’Elía labels Máximo Kirchner): instead of lightly defaming porteños by accusing them “of voting for those who want to hide what the dictatorship did”, it would be better with humility grab the books (sometime) and review those chapters so dark and gloomy that Peronism has forged around human rights in recent decades. By the way, remember what her parents did specifically in favor of them in the period 1976-1983 and confirm, in addition, if Aunt Alicia held any public office in Santa Cruz under the orders of the uniformed men.

Peronism – mother and son Kirchner included – owes society a sincere and profound self-criticism about its notable human rights sins.

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