Allies of the Renovating Front and district neighbors, Serge Massa Y Luis Andreotti, in their times as mayors of Tigre and San Fernando, respectively, boasted of being revolutionary for having set up a modern monitoring center with surveillance and security cameras that turned the districts into role models in the fight against crime. However, and although it sounds ironic, both were uncomfortable and concerned about a plot of violence, football and politics that did not leave a video record in any of the cameras that worked in their own territory.
In broad daylight, on Sunday, February 24, 2013, the brave bar of the Tiger Athletic Club he settled his internal to the shots. The balance was one dead and 13 gunshot wounds. The sequence of terror began in the Troncos del Talar neighborhood and continued at the Virreyes train station. According to police searches, there were more than 100 shots. The bars fought for money and tickets before a game with River.
The San Fernando prosecutor was Alejandro Musso. In one of his measures, he ordered the municipality to hand over the images from the street cameras. He had no luck: they informed him that there was “an electrical problem” and that at the time of the clashes they were not working. The storm the day before had left some 40 devices out of service, according to municipal sources. THE NATION when the fact was written about, almost ten years ago.
In his attempt to unravel the network of links of the barra brava, Musso advanced in the investigation and charged six people from the fans and brought them to trial. Some of them had had links with the political power in the area for years. According to court statements and tax records, some would have even worked for pay for the two municipalities. And a fact that had not gone unnoticed: Marcelo Paulitti, one of the defendants, was legally defended by José Vera, then General Director of Institutional Relations of the Municipality of Tigre, according to his resume. Vera later stepped aside and was replaced by Daniel Llermanos, one of the lawyers for Hugo Moyano.
Daniel Paz, alias Fiorucci, was at that time the head of the Tigre bar and was one of the defendants, although he was later acquitted. In 2010 he traveled to the World Cup in South Africa as one of the referents of the United Argentine Fans, a group promoted by Kirchnerism and that financed the bars in exchange for territorial support and political punterism. When the shooting confrontation took place, Fiorucci managed the “La Barra” bar, at Perón 2650, next to the Tigre stadium, in the San Fernando district. The prosecutor’s office raided the place after the shooting Sunday. He found there facas, photos of those who rule in the gallery and a lot of dirt for a place where food was sold. The bar was located within the property that belongs to the club, but was commercially exploited by the fans. Fiorucci told the prosecution that he rented the premises to the club. The president of Tigre at that time was Rodrigo Molinos, who in addition to being a leader was a councilor of the Municipality of Tigre for massism.
For almost 20 years Massa has been directly involved in the Tigre club. He had it during the Molinos administration and he has it now with the current president, Ezekiel “Kelo” Mespiderhis right-hand man in the Chamber of Deputies as head of the General Coordination Unit and who very likely will also accompany him in the Ministry of Economy.
The management of the massistas in Tigre is viewed today with nostalgia in the face of the challenge of straightening out the country’s economy as a new minister. It all started in 2004, when Massa knocked on the doors of a junk shop in the northern zone to try to convince Luis Pedro San Andres to be his man to preside over the club. At that time the institution was a ruin with a liability of 8,000,000 pesos and an avalanche of lawsuits to resolve, according to what Juan Pablo Varsky wrote in THE NATION.
With club elections in sight, Massa, who was then the head of Anses and elected mayor of the municipality of Tigre, became the strong man without the need for an executive position. He was one of the nine titular members. But the key was that the rest of the management leadership responded directly to him, including the president, who was none other than San Andrés, who died in December 2017.
Massa’s landing coincided with the sporting successes and with the beginning of a stage of economic well-being, in which more than 150 lawsuits were filed and the corporate mass climbed “from 800 to more than 8,000”. They spent the first three years at the head of the club and the reelection was sung. San Andrés, the man from Massa, swept the polls and added a new member to the board of directors: Beloved Boudouat that time the other official of weight in the Anses and that shortly after was going to become Minister of Economy and Vice President of the Nation of Cristina Kirchner.
“Boudou was a friend of Massa and was at Anses. He had no track record at the club. His step was neither good nor bad, since he was not going to go to the meetings of the board of directors even though he was the treasurer, ”said San Andrés in 2013 in a talk with THE NATION. And about Massa’s influence, he pointed out: “He helped us a lot, he brought many sponsors closer.” One of the central sponsors was the Macro Bankof the Brito family, which currently maintains its contribution, and the Trillium Casinofrom Boldt.
During the management, in addition to the sporting glory for having been promoted to the First Division, there were two significant economic achievements: canceling the debt pending from the call for creditors and paying off in a single payment the mortgage debt that the club had carried for 15 years with the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires. The amount reached 2,200,000 pesos, although a reduction was obtained and the payment in cash of $700,000 was agreed upon, according to the accounting statement of June 30, 2010. In addition, all tax debts with the sponsors of the the AFIP for a total of $940,093 and, after years of hardship, the accounting year closed with a surplus of more than one million pesos thanks to the contributions of the state program to televise the matches.
Massa’s past as a sports manager is a precedent to which they cling today in his environment to define him as “a good storm pilot”, as he said Malena Galmarinihis wife, the day of the assumption.
Soccer sometimes serves as a shortcut to advance in politics. For Massa, for example, it paved the way for reconciliation with Hugo Moyano, the truck driver who has been presiding over Independiente for eight years. His landing as Minister of Economy finds him at the best moment of his relationship with the trucker clan, but also with other trade unionists with whom he had distanced himself when he settled across the street from Cristina Kirchner.
The CGT en troop publicly supported his appointment and the entire leadership attended his swearing-in. In the rosary of measures that he announced, there was a clear signal to a claim that the Moyanos made their own and that has to do with family allowances.
But there was also a gesture to unionism as a whole by calling a meeting with businessmen to explore alternatives so that wages do not lose against inflation. Most of the unions want wage increases to be settled on parity, as is usually the case, and they resist Cristina Kirchner’s idea of granting a fixed sum. They reject it because they perceive it as a homeopathic palliative, which works immediately but does not impact the salary base.
Massa will have next Thursday to act as mediator between the CGT and the Industrial Union in the first tripartite call of his management. A member of his economic team is inclined towards the possibility of granting a bonus by decree that ranges between 20,000 and 30,000 pesos. It won’t be universal, but it would reach salaries of up to $150,000. It is still under evaluation. Meanwhile, the parity calendar was altered with the advancement of reviews, new reference guidelines and trigger clauses.
Without credit or reserves, and with the promise to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to adjust and reduce the deficit, Massa believes that there is no other option but to appeal to the private sector. He urges him to resolve the salary recomposition next week because he still dreams of being able to neutralize the protest mobilization that the CGT activated for the 17th of this month. It is true that Massa’s landing pacified the union leaders, who now say that the march “is not against the government.”
But the trade unionists have a special thermometer to detect crises and they know that they will not be able to contain the discomfort for much longer with an inflation floor projected at 80%, as the Moyanista specified. Omar Plainione of the three leaders who accompanied Paul Moyano meeting this week with Cristina Kirchner. The talk of the toughest trade unionists with the vice president was before she received Massa in that same office. Versions arise that she there was talked about a period of tolerance for the new minister’s measures. Juan Grabois did not wait and has already made a first threat to break his alliance with the Government. Will the unions most identified with Kirchnerism that are in the CGT follow their path?
A fleeting truce of unionism opens until Massa finds his San Andrés, the man who collected scrap metal, brought the Tigre club out of ruin and who today is a mirage of nostalgia.